Category Archives: analysis

If they touch one of us

*If they touch one of us*

*Solidarity with Mónica and Francisco*

It’s already been two months since Mónica and Francisco, along with three other comrades, were arrested, isolated and the former two subsequently jailed under the harsh FIES regime, and the others on conditional release (with weekly sign-in) awaiting trial for the same charges.

Many comrades from different places remarked to us of the apparent aura of <<secrecy>> perceived around everything related to the comrades’ situation with the case itself, and that following the media hype around everything about the arrests a statement should have been made. What is certain is that, as we already know, against the propaganda of the regime and its ideologues, that is, against the press, little can be done as counterweight; it can be proven, seen how they weave their webs, and how, closely with the state, they are carving a niche to fill with the next internal enemy: Islamists, Galician independistas, animalists accused of opening cages, anarchists… These –those who do not wish to go through the orthodox  ritual that  mandates representation or using the proper channels (that is, democratic, legal, etc.)– will be those who fill the vacancy created by ETA,  a vacancy that serves the purpose of not only occupyin the postion of internal enemy that feeds into the bureaucratic, repressive and judicial arsenal, the call for antiterrorism (itself an institution that refuses to go away and therefore has to prove its effectiveness and existence as necessary), a vacuum which can also be noted in the cells to be filled and in the pages of the press, that would leave room for other things in the reader’s mind; the evictions matter little,  or that millions of people have no way to make a living –not even through channels of slave labor–, that the politicians fill their treasure chests and laugh in our face. There are very dangerous phantoms, they tell us, of whom to be truly afraid: the immigrants, the terrorists, etc.

Those who have seen the news these days will remember all the charged xenophobic language used by these media props, the journalists and ideologues of the regime,  to described our comrades. The intention is clear: to generate false myths. They tell us of the “Mediterranean triangle”, that “they are outsiders”, of these “foreigners who come to do bad things”, of “bad anarchists who come from the outside” and of “Greek and Italian anarchists who come to instruct those here”, etc. What these lying “experts” fail to recognize is that in the Spanish State there is a long tradition –so to speak– that is anarchist, huge, diverse and fluctuating, but almost as old as anarchism itself: from the struggles of the Andalusian libertarians, the reverberations of propaganda by the deed, the Tragic Week of 1909, the Revolution of 1936, the anti-Franco guerillas, the millions of people in the free Barcelona of 1977, anarcho-syndicalism, all moments and events that make it clear that here, identification with anarchist practice is nothing new.

As for  the investigation against our arrested comrades, it is closed , which doesn’t mean that new evidence can’t appear overnight. What we also know is that there is another open investigation that appears to seek to create an international anarchist organization, with strong harassment of several comrades. We have no idea where they will surprise us from since we have seen in these last months that the inventive capacity of the police is rather boundless, nor do we know if these latest arrests in Galicia are part of this plot. We do not deny the existence of “international relationships”, nor that anarchists move –like everyone else– in a world which largely forces you to move even though you don’t want to; including that we travel in search of complicities, we won’t deny evidence, but we do flatly refuse to recognize the existence of this fictitious structured organization that the cops and judges love to imagine. Once again they try to seek out elements that fit their theories, although their geometric figure must warp and add more angles. What we have seen with our own eyes has been the collaboration (or simple *spectacle*)between the police and authorities of Chile, Spain and Italy, we have seen their press conferences, their handshakes and praises and it disgusted us. The only international terrorist organization that we know, that we know of the existence of is that of the States and their institutions.

From the heritage religion has left us with, from the secularization of concepts which have gone beyond religion itself, are the notion of guilt and punishment which are found deeply rooted inside of us. “If it wasn’t them, why not say so?” say a few naive voices. Others, less naive, speak of the concrete act of which they are accused in order to refuse solidarity. Both attitudes point an accusatory, policing finger –consciously or not– towards something (our mothers told us it was bad manners to point fingers at people). All action is debatable, even that with which these comrades are charged, but between us, between comrades, in a manner that is serious, conscientious and to draw conclusions favoring the continuation of the struggle. The media *assault* sought, from the outset, to undermine the possible path of solidarity, to create a wedge and a vacuum, to separate. Harsher than the concrete panels that make up the prisons is the emptiness generated by a lack of solidarity. Regrettably, they partly had their work cut for them by us: once again the *good* anarchists and the *bad* anarchists, the *insurrectionary* and the *social*, the *cultural* and the *active*, and many more, leaning on a false separation, a nonexistent false dichotomy and coming from a simplistic and superficial analysis in our opinion, which only serves to face the different fronts of anarchist struggle against each other.

The press and the police send clear messages on the matter: “If you try to subvert the established order we will lock you up, we will publicize your faces and names, and we will treat you like what you are, like terrorists”, “if you stand in solidarity with those who do these things or are accused of doing them, you too will be treated like terrorists”, etc.And similar to a harsh critical parent, ultimately the threatening hand is more effective than the blow. But, what if we learn to face that blow so that it causes us the least harm possible?

If we refuse to stand in solidarity with people because we are not in agreement with what they are *accused* of, that is, because we do not agree with

the actions of which they are accused, we are legitimizing the voice of the state and affirming the accusations, we are entering terrain that is not ours but that of our executioners. Beyond what we think of the acts, we are convinced that solidarity should never be seen from a moral point of view, a point of view much influenced by the media and also, from the complete opposite perspective we don’t believe that the validity of any action has to do with a criminal code, throughout the duration of a trial. Laws and morality (which also implicitly generates laws) we will leave to the judges, to the priests, to the *out cry of the* journalists, to those who are afraid of themselves. And of the rage of the oppressed.

Direct communication with our jailed comrades has been difficult since the beginning. We know that they are in good moods and staying strong.

They are receiving letters (some of them arrive very late) and can only send two letters a week, one of which is to communicate with each other. Francisco is getting visits, but has gone weeks without seeing other prisoners because he has been alone in the module. A few days ago he was notified that they will also be applying article 10 (FIES 1) and he will be transferred to Córdoba.  Mónica, after being under observation, alone, and without vegetarian diet, is in Brieva (Ávila) under article 10, in a module together with 4 political prisoners and 8 other prisoners. She doesn’t get visits yet (since the bureaucratic procedures have to be redone every time there is a transfer) but she can make some phone calls.

These arrests and incarcerations have brought us to float some questions: how to express solidarity?, how to make it so that it is not only the people closest to the arrested/accused who have to take care of everything?, what does the FIES mean for anarchist prisoners and what can we do?, how not to give in to the blackmail of the jail and its shadow?

We’ve set up an email address to which those who wish to know more about Mónica and Francisco’s situation can write. We are also collecting money for present and future costs since surely they will have to complete preventative detention until the sentencing  and we all know the costs involved in this.

Any qualms, contributions, critiques, questions:  solidaridadylucha@riseup.net

No one will be left alone. *If they touch one of us they touch all of us* is a phrase we love to scream. Let’s see if we can put it in practice.

Freedom and Solidarity!

note: as of publishing, Francisco has been transferred to Cordoba, is with other prisoners, and is doing much better.

Unpaid prostitutes of heterocapitalism: Whore enemies of smiles

from periodico el amancer

Is it a solution to go out and collect orgasms in order to make up for all those frustrated, self-loathing years?Sexual relations in the world today (and perhaps in all past ages) are oppressive. The fact that your lover gives you an orgasm changes only one small part of that oppressionour own enjoyment just enhances our attractiveness. We are wanton. We wear miniskirts and see-through tops. We’re sexy. We’re free. We run around and hop into bed whenever we please. This is the self-image we have built up in us by advertising and the media. It’s self-fulfilling. And very profitable. It keeps us in our place and feeling lucky about it (the freedom to consume, consume, consume, until we swallow the world). It makes us look as if we’re free and active (actively, freely, we solicit sex from men)The unarticulated assumption behind this misunderstanding is that women are purely sexual beings, bodies and sensuality, fucking machines. Therefore freedom for women could only mean sexual freedom.

Dana Densmore. Independence from the Sexual Revolution.

Emma Goldman used to say that the difference between a sex worker and a married woman was that the former sold her body by the hour, while the latter sold it once and forever and at one and the same price to just one man. Until more or less the ’50s or ’60s, things were clear with respect to the place occupied by so-called “sexual liberation”.

However, if we follow readings of Beatriz Preciado who in turn follows Monique Wittig, heterocapitalism of the third pharmaco-pornographic regimen made it so that devices of capture became less coercive, more subtle, more intricate, more sophisticatedly difficult to untangle. Now the new gimmick of late heterocapitalism is “sexual liberation”. Its agents, liberated women.

How to oppose such a commendable phrase without being on the side of opus dei? The issue requires talent and dexterity and must be faced, especially by those of us who have been biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”. Because as the old maestro Michel Foucault has already stated, to say yes to sex, is not to say no to power.

Once it was clear that the biomale who, wielding the privileges of his sexual-political category (which redounds paradoxically  at the expense of certain corporal powers which he will never explore, of course, since they reaffirm his slavery to the heterosexist regime), had to pay a price, the only value possible within the logic of capital, to enjoy -to put into action- those privileges, either by the maintenance of a girlfriend or by taking charge of a family with a wife and everything, and of course their economic welfare. Today, thanks to the apparatus of capture called “sexual emancipation” this situation has liberalized and made flexible that employment contract of three months, or the trafficking of slave labor (or is it voluntary?). But in a more effective manner, since heterocapitalism has succeeded in the construction of the desire to “be sexually free”. Exempt from the obligation to provide support, financial and social support, exempt from creating affinity, kinship ties, free of any responsibility or obligation, any subject biopolitically assigned to male gender privilege will succeed with greater or lesser skill to be with a liberated woman, that is to say, benefit from the cornerstone of the operation of heterocapitalism. This young woman often believes and asserts that she is free (and she chooses and desires it), that she chooses who she goes to bed with or who she fucks.

We may find her in orgies of every species, mostly those who reinforce the more hetero of the phallocentric social norm, she will be our best friend, always ready to suck dick in the bathroom of a show, only in exchange for more penetration, to show off in front of everyone, she will be our occasional or permanent lover in exchange for little or nothing, especially nothing like cold hard cash until the man finds a girlfriend like other people. She will not charge for her services, but freely provide (thanks to certain misinterpreted philo-libertarian approaches) all sorts of pleasure to different men with whom she will lavish with nothing more. Her so-called “friends”, with whom she will not engage as a form-of-life, will use and abuse her talents and gifts. No point of subjectivation either for herself or for them will change it: no idea of community, sustenance, emotional support, ties, safety nets and mutual aid, political camaraderie, no thoughtful use of pleasure will be built within these sexual-political practices of hegemonic and dominant desire; even if some other non-heteronormative sexual practice unfolds and is brought into play. Further, the epistemological point encourages and the motivation is no more than the liberation of a female subject, the high regulatory ideal of the Englightenment myth and of their predominant economic system of heterocapitalism, even when other sexual practices are expressed (such as anal penetration of the biomale, to cite just one case) they do not radically modify the subjectivity of the aforementioned since no sexual practice of any kind has the power in and of itself to change anything (although a condition sine qua non for the mutation of heteronormative subjectivity).

Those “whores” compete in the labor market in an unfair manner: their flesh is the dumping of the global economy of late heterocapitalism versus we who resist, putting a price on the parts of our anatomy that the pharamaco-pornographic regime has been responsible for assigning to a specific category, of territorializing and segmenting with the power of a scalpel. Also, they do not encourage through their practices the construction of new political forms-of-life among “the abnormals”; I’m referring to the construction of affectations and affinities and herds and political friendships with other bodies biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”, but also with other allied corporeal powers such as the full range of anatomical-political incorrectness to normalize lato sensu.

We, the desiring horde, although feminized, controlled, assigned, subjectivized, we, the other whores, the non-liberated have a price, that is to say, we charge, we know the value of our meat on the market, and for free we offer nothing but sexual-political affinities. Hence the urgency of rethinking the liberalism of sexual liberation again as enemy concept to sexual dissidence. To become emancipated from emancipation which will not be by way of sexual extravagance with anyone who does not bear kindred-mutant-herd wolf-body-desiring-minority. But rather to be in the world as an infinite friend to the men’s smiles always ready to give oral sex to some guy “friend”, because “I like it” so will say I / the weak soul that Nietszche spat out with the name “subject” that is our worst internalized enemy, made flesh, our personal microfascism generator.

To become the other, as has been said ad infinitum. To do it time and again. Becoming outside the categories of woman to the powers of the herd and collective enunciation that does not reterritorialize heterocapitalism nor sophisticates  -thanks to our complicity- the apparatuses of capture of our gender (and so many others), to flee, together, by the river of infinite power. How to do it? For now, withdraw, drop out, say No, Opt out, I prefer not to. And to distrust now and always in any desire expressed by an individual I in pursuit of  a supposed personal pleasure.
For now, this.

Written by Putas Enemigas de las Sonrisas (An advance text from a new book we’re preparing).
Taken from: Diario de la poeta mala II (Diary of the bad poet)

A NEW COMMODITY: INTIMACY

from Cuadernos de Negacion

Excerpts from Consequences of a misuse of electricity. On the experimental phase of capitalism of the spirit, José Manuel Rojo. Published in Salamandra 11-12 (Grupo Surrealista de Madrid)

“The commodities that the new technologies are putting in motion are, basically and precisely, thoughts, feelings, illusions and dreams, obsessions and desires, secrets and confessions of men and women. And for this huge auction of consciousness it is absolutely necessary that the people themselves are also put in motion, that they accept the conversion of that which formerly belonged exclusively to private life into raw material, such that, it was said, no one could seize dictatorship, that even in the concentration camp the prisoner could still feel free. Thus, nothing can be outside the empire of economy.

(…)

It is not only that all activities are different forms of work, the annihilation of leisure and even idleness, that is accountable for objectifying us by force into lucrative amenities. There is something else: everything, absolutely everything, has come to be raw material, everything is a potential commodity entered into the game of supply and demand, because in this empire there is no living space for shadows.

(…)

Nor does the spectacle move backward, and that which the screen displays lies among us forever, modifying our behavior like chemical agents corrupting the body, embedding in the genetic code the society to which one is forced to mutate like a radioactive contamination that has become hereditary. And just as there was not a casual coincidence between those “hidden camera” shows which were popularized in the ’70s, and the installation of video cameras in banks and public agencies, we can also assume that Big Brother is not content to delimit areas of intimacy for  its subsequent profitability, but that he is also preparing the invasion and definitive conquest of what is left of unscathed public space and, later, people’s private or domestic space. Technical means are not lacking. There is only to pave the way.

(…)

The naivete became pathetic in some of us when, passing by a shop with a surveillance camera connected to a television, we stopped and displayed ourselves to its view to see ourselves caught on screen, which provoked neither disgust nor fear but rather a crazy joy. Neotelevision resurrects that crazy happiness and extends it through every home, and thus gropes at the signs of resistance, of scandal or fatigue.

(…)

It is understood that the current friendly capitalism and its alternative businesses no longer wish to do the dirty work: moving forward, it will be the workers themselves who, like a game show, eliminate each other, deciding who goes and who doesn’t when it pleases Capital to announce that there is a “crisis”. Maybe the customers also vote, the workers’ families or, why not, their neighbors. We will see very soon. For now, we are already getting accustomed to the idea, which is evidently fun and entertaining.”

Three years since the massacre at San Miguel prison

from metiendoruido.com

It’s been three years since the massacre at San Miguel prison, where 81 male prisoners died. This terrible act openly exposed the critical state of the penitentiary system, the dramatic reality of the lives of prisoners in chilean jails, which for years have maintained overpopulation to the point of exceeding 300% overflow of their capacity; this is the case of the Lebu jail (with a 306% deficit in 2010) and the Buin jail (with a 600% deficit in 2010)1.

Some months before the massacre, in march 2010, the Council for Penitentiary Reform issued a report which highlights the necessity of counteracting the soaring penal population, and the deprivation of liberty as principal means of punishment. The investigation emphasized demonstrating how prison does not roll back rates of “delinquency” or much less achieve “social reinsertion” for those deprived of their freedom. However, the political class, knowing the results of this report and so many others, national and international, knowing in detail the critical conditions of the penitentiary system, puts effort into maintaining and strengthening it to the point of promoting the construction of ten new jails in the country, through a significant investment of more than $400 million in 2011, which simultaneously represented the growth of the prisoner population by an increase of 30% of the capacity of the prisons.

The prison policies of democratic governments reinforced by that of Piñera, have as their objective to consolidate social control based on the possibility for the population to be prisoners, and so to reaffirm the prison system as one of their principal dispositifs. The former is demonstrated by the explosive increase of the penitentiary population in Chile. From the reform of criminal procedure, between 1998 and 2009, from 60,990 to 106,877 people passed through the penitentiary system, representing a growth of 75%. This makes Chile the country with the largest prison population in all of Latin America.

Democratic governments lay the foundation for the people, through fear and mistrust, to validate their own cage and in this way justifies the maintenance of these human warehouses. This is the critical role played by “the media”, when given daily images of petty crime, pointing to minor robbery or theft in the street, or to microtrafficking in the towns as the principal causes of the origin of “social insecurity or public danger or the internal enemy”, even though they are lesser events than the commission of systemic violence.

The mass media manage to propagate, on the one hand, consumption through attractive advertising, but are also responsible for alarming the public about the possibility of losing everything. This is how one of the principal fears of the citizen is of losing what he consumes, of being robbed of what he acquired through hard work, through the burden of exploitation that is labor. The government knows this, and both the right and the left have won votes thanks to the common discourse of “a strong hand against crime”, but the crimes actually judged by the judiciary and dominant bourgeois and christian morals, are those which cause significantly less damage.

The laws are made NOT to punish the crimes that truly have greater social impact, because more people are affected. Fraud, torture, contamination of the environment, corruption, labor exploitation, trafficking, tax evasion, are actions by white collar men and women who nevertheless go unpunished simply because the laws were fabricated so that they are not punished or even rejected socially. Additionally the businesspeople, the politicians, the army and the religious who have committed crimes against humanity are not thrown in jail; for them there is no system of rehabilitation and continuous monitoring; and although they continuously and systematically attack the life and liberty of the people and of the community, they do not inhabit the prisons, and in the few cases where they do, the government invests a budget five times greater than what is spent for each common prisoner, to ensure their comfort. This has been the case for the few uniformed soldiers of genocide from the dictatorship who are currently in Punta Peuco. The conditions in this prison are the radical opposite, they don’t live in crowded conditions, they have visiting rights every day, the bathrooms are clean, they eat well, the guards act like their slaves, they can count on a defense, et cetera ad infinitum.

Today, almost three years since the massacre at San Miguel prison, knowing that the penitentiary system is a lucrative item for private corporations like Sodexo; knowing of the systematic violation of the most basic rights that a person deprived of liberty can have for their survival; aware of the poor state of the cells, of the hallways, of the bathrooms, of the overcrowding of both public and private prisons, knowing that on the street of the ex penitentiary there live 450 people and there are only 36 small rooms, meaning that up to 15 or 20 sleep in each, often sitting, or outdoors. Today remembering the grim assassination of the 81 prisoners of San Miguel:

We denounce the chilean state for sustaining the penitentiary system.

We denounce the chilean state for sustaining a regime of torture and systematic violation of rights.

We denounce the chilean state as ultimately responsible for the deaths of 81 men in San Miguel prison.

The prison system must end corresponding to the very politics of destruction of the dictatorial regimes. We are conscious that as the jail is a platform of transversal control, that will not discriminate among those who challenge and transgress the hegemonic systems of power: mapuche prisoners, student prisoners, undocumented prisoners, and those imprisoned for abortion, home farming, debt, piracy, protest, street sales. Prison society seizes us, and therefore it is necessary to jointly develop an anti-prison consciousness as part of our struggle.

We call on the people to integrate the end of the prison system into social demands and also to problematize the mechanisms of justice in the face of political crimes, in the face of the true terrorists who have attacked life itself and go unpunished, governing and generating the conditions that make us prisoners.

We make a fraternal call on this third anniversary to act in solidarity with the group 81 reasons to struggle, to act in solidarity with those deprived of their freedom in the chilean state, to act in solidarity with the imprisoned who suffer in isolation cells, those who have consciously resisted the dictatorship, for our children, for the 81 as well. ¡Freddy, Marcelo and Juan to the streets!

We call on this december 8th to express actions of solidarity with those in cages, as much in youth and adult jails as in psychiatry hospitals, to act in solidarity through visits, correspondence and protest. We call to break down the mental and physical walls that separate us.

¡81 MASSACRED PRISONERS IN SAN MIGUEL PRISON PRESENTES!

Support network for justice for the 81

note: the 2010 San Miguel prison fire in Santiago, reportedly started by burning mattresses during an altercation between rival prison gangs, was accompanied by reports that prison guards initially prevented local firefighters from entering the prison. It ultimately took three hours to bring the fire under control. The incident drew attention to overcrowding throughout the Chilean prison system – at the time of the fire, San Miguel housed 1,654 inmates; its official capacity is 892.

In Cordon Macul don’t vote! Get in the streets!

from hommodolars.org

On the 18th, 20th and 22nd of November, in light of the recently ended electoral farce, we raised barricades and confronted the police (0s9, policía) in conjunction with comrades at 3 universities (UTEM, Uchile, Pedagógico), at the intersection of Macul and Grecia.

In the days of the next presidential election, Bachelet and Mattei, they speak to us through their means of communication (tv, radio, newspapers), about participation, equal opportunity, rights that lie ahead, the acclaimed progress… But knowing that they govern for the businessmen, exploiters and oppressors that drag us into a life of misery and death, why do they still govern us? Because “the people” keep voting, legitimizing their mandates… “We have been elected by the people and our right to govern (them) is legitimate…”

And is it only the elections that are why we live in this terrible way? If we don’t vote, will we stop living in misery?

And we are citizens whenever we behave as such, that is to say, whenever we do our part and what is expected of us: working, consuming… Voting every four years is not so important. It is through our behavior in the day to day, that we really reproduce this life we have been given.

The citizen today is the fundamental piece of “democracy”, the most important, most secure form of control and domination, and we live thinking we can move with total freedom, that we are free to choose, but we do nothing other than reproduce our misery.

But where is the resistance to precarity, to this exploitation and oppression, in not dressing like the rest, not eating this or that, in thinking differently, in saying that everything is bad, in stealing instead of buying, in taking from someone who has everything to give it to someone else?

And has this been sufficient? Have we stopped living in misery?

Today there is only unrest, this impossibility of expressing common resistance facing the daily conditions of precarity and misery in which we live.

While we still live in this capitalist society there will only be misery and death.

Some will say that there can be peaceful change, but history has demonstrated the contrary and continues to confirm it, when they repress and murder those who rebel against this life that pulls at us. But we know that in the end we will encounter the armed appendage of the state, military and police. They will do anything to stop the open conflict that is inevitable. The insurrection gets closer every day. Its causes and attempts to stop them, don’t depend on us or the government.

Despite their entire mobilized police contingent (November 22nd; 15 cazadores, 3 water cannons, 2 gas cannons, 2 vans and endless cars, motorcycles and civiles), despite all their preparation, their daily harassment, they did not manage to silence our unrest, our struggle. And we are ready to be in the struggle until the end, there is no other way. They will not be able to stop our discontent and our rage against those who have exploited and oppressed us day after day.

This is why we salute the comrades detained in Barcelona, by the spanish police, Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar and the other comrades. To Hans Niemeyer and Celestino Córdova imprisoned by the chilean police for their struggle against this life of misery, against the businessmen and the latifundistas.

Our struggle against capitalism is global, and should be acted out in all possible scenarios, in every moment, everywhere.

Today we speak with the strength of anonymity that lives in each of us and we are learning to name the enemy .. To point him out. They have names, we have the power of anonymity… that discontent becomes action, in the force of anonymity lies the possibility that action could be done by anyone, we are the anonymous strength in everyone.

But remember, that we are here, waiting, but the moment will come, the insurrection advances and becomes inevitable… Your life becomes an act of sabotage.

The day’s results among others: blockades, an attack on the barracks of Os9, clashes with police, a zorrillo damaged by engine fire, among others.

That the insurrection become permanent, we cease to be citizens, to foster civil war

Cordón Macul, Santiago, Chile, November 27th, 2013