Letter from Mexican political prisoner Fernando Barcenas

Letter from Mexican political prisoner Fernando Barcenas

Fernando Barcenas is an 18 year old political prisoner from Mexico who has been detained since December 13, 2013 for allegedly setting the Coca Cola tree in Mexico City on fire during a protest against transportation fair hikes. Fernando economically supports his mother, so his incarceration has affected his family’s ability to  make ends meet.

To donate to Fernando, please wire donations to Banco Azteca: 78731304951452 to the name  Ana María Castillo (Fernando’s mother). Below is a translation of an open letter he wrote from prison.

December 27th, 2013

To the student community
To all freedom fighters who fight with heart
To the people of Mexico .

I am writing this communique as a cry for help,  amidst all the injustices . It’s been 14 days since my detainment and I am still cloistered between the four  walls of this cell that represents my current situation. I have been removed from the short term entry area , which bring me increasingly further away from  fighting for my freedom . Reconnecting my situation to the larger social framework is to realize that I am I am crucified by the system that is increasingly oppressive.

I call for gestures of solidarity  to emphasize my situation as a political prisoner of the state, as well as  to communicate my  full support of the struggle towards freedom that imprisoned comrades of October 2nd  are undertaking, who also find themselves  incarcerated in seclusion.

Being imprisoned is like being  living dead, as one’s life is kept underground  via  false accusations and fabricated grievances that profile us as  criminals.

That is why with this statement I pronounce that I am a free student, a  social warrior, and above all a humanitarian.

I appreciate the support of all those still in struggle against the injustices of the system and all the people who have not left my side.

 

Thank you so much

To your health and freedom,

Political Prisoners to the streets !
Down  with  the prison walls !

Fernando Luis Barcenas Castillo

Unpaid prostitutes of heterocapitalism: Whore enemies of smiles

from periodico el amancer

Is it a solution to go out and collect orgasms in order to make up for all those frustrated, self-loathing years?Sexual relations in the world today (and perhaps in all past ages) are oppressive. The fact that your lover gives you an orgasm changes only one small part of that oppressionour own enjoyment just enhances our attractiveness. We are wanton. We wear miniskirts and see-through tops. We’re sexy. We’re free. We run around and hop into bed whenever we please. This is the self-image we have built up in us by advertising and the media. It’s self-fulfilling. And very profitable. It keeps us in our place and feeling lucky about it (the freedom to consume, consume, consume, until we swallow the world). It makes us look as if we’re free and active (actively, freely, we solicit sex from men)The unarticulated assumption behind this misunderstanding is that women are purely sexual beings, bodies and sensuality, fucking machines. Therefore freedom for women could only mean sexual freedom.

Dana Densmore. Independence from the Sexual Revolution.

Emma Goldman used to say that the difference between a sex worker and a married woman was that the former sold her body by the hour, while the latter sold it once and forever and at one and the same price to just one man. Until more or less the ’50s or ’60s, things were clear with respect to the place occupied by so-called “sexual liberation”.

However, if we follow readings of Beatriz Preciado who in turn follows Monique Wittig, heterocapitalism of the third pharmaco-pornographic regimen made it so that devices of capture became less coercive, more subtle, more intricate, more sophisticatedly difficult to untangle. Now the new gimmick of late heterocapitalism is “sexual liberation”. Its agents, liberated women.

How to oppose such a commendable phrase without being on the side of opus dei? The issue requires talent and dexterity and must be faced, especially by those of us who have been biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”. Because as the old maestro Michel Foucault has already stated, to say yes to sex, is not to say no to power.

Once it was clear that the biomale who, wielding the privileges of his sexual-political category (which redounds paradoxically  at the expense of certain corporal powers which he will never explore, of course, since they reaffirm his slavery to the heterosexist regime), had to pay a price, the only value possible within the logic of capital, to enjoy -to put into action- those privileges, either by the maintenance of a girlfriend or by taking charge of a family with a wife and everything, and of course their economic welfare. Today, thanks to the apparatus of capture called “sexual emancipation” this situation has liberalized and made flexible that employment contract of three months, or the trafficking of slave labor (or is it voluntary?). But in a more effective manner, since heterocapitalism has succeeded in the construction of the desire to “be sexually free”. Exempt from the obligation to provide support, financial and social support, exempt from creating affinity, kinship ties, free of any responsibility or obligation, any subject biopolitically assigned to male gender privilege will succeed with greater or lesser skill to be with a liberated woman, that is to say, benefit from the cornerstone of the operation of heterocapitalism. This young woman often believes and asserts that she is free (and she chooses and desires it), that she chooses who she goes to bed with or who she fucks.

We may find her in orgies of every species, mostly those who reinforce the more hetero of the phallocentric social norm, she will be our best friend, always ready to suck dick in the bathroom of a show, only in exchange for more penetration, to show off in front of everyone, she will be our occasional or permanent lover in exchange for little or nothing, especially nothing like cold hard cash until the man finds a girlfriend like other people. She will not charge for her services, but freely provide (thanks to certain misinterpreted philo-libertarian approaches) all sorts of pleasure to different men with whom she will lavish with nothing more. Her so-called “friends”, with whom she will not engage as a form-of-life, will use and abuse her talents and gifts. No point of subjectivation either for herself or for them will change it: no idea of community, sustenance, emotional support, ties, safety nets and mutual aid, political camaraderie, no thoughtful use of pleasure will be built within these sexual-political practices of hegemonic and dominant desire; even if some other non-heteronormative sexual practice unfolds and is brought into play. Further, the epistemological point encourages and the motivation is no more than the liberation of a female subject, the high regulatory ideal of the Englightenment myth and of their predominant economic system of heterocapitalism, even when other sexual practices are expressed (such as anal penetration of the biomale, to cite just one case) they do not radically modify the subjectivity of the aforementioned since no sexual practice of any kind has the power in and of itself to change anything (although a condition sine qua non for the mutation of heteronormative subjectivity).

Those “whores” compete in the labor market in an unfair manner: their flesh is the dumping of the global economy of late heterocapitalism versus we who resist, putting a price on the parts of our anatomy that the pharamaco-pornographic regime has been responsible for assigning to a specific category, of territorializing and segmenting with the power of a scalpel. Also, they do not encourage through their practices the construction of new political forms-of-life among “the abnormals”; I’m referring to the construction of affectations and affinities and herds and political friendships with other bodies biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”, but also with other allied corporeal powers such as the full range of anatomical-political incorrectness to normalize lato sensu.

We, the desiring horde, although feminized, controlled, assigned, subjectivized, we, the other whores, the non-liberated have a price, that is to say, we charge, we know the value of our meat on the market, and for free we offer nothing but sexual-political affinities. Hence the urgency of rethinking the liberalism of sexual liberation again as enemy concept to sexual dissidence. To become emancipated from emancipation which will not be by way of sexual extravagance with anyone who does not bear kindred-mutant-herd wolf-body-desiring-minority. But rather to be in the world as an infinite friend to the men’s smiles always ready to give oral sex to some guy “friend”, because “I like it” so will say I / the weak soul that Nietszche spat out with the name “subject” that is our worst internalized enemy, made flesh, our personal microfascism generator.

To become the other, as has been said ad infinitum. To do it time and again. Becoming outside the categories of woman to the powers of the herd and collective enunciation that does not reterritorialize heterocapitalism nor sophisticates  -thanks to our complicity- the apparatuses of capture of our gender (and so many others), to flee, together, by the river of infinite power. How to do it? For now, withdraw, drop out, say No, Opt out, I prefer not to. And to distrust now and always in any desire expressed by an individual I in pursuit of  a supposed personal pleasure.
For now, this.

Written by Putas Enemigas de las Sonrisas (An advance text from a new book we’re preparing).
Taken from: Diario de la poeta mala II (Diary of the bad poet)

Mapuche Resistance defies siege

from metiendoruido.com

A challenge to the state of siege imposed by the chilean state in Wallmapu, is how one could describe this new sabotage against the chilean occupation and its capitalist plunder, which occurred on the morning of December 31st in Malleco.

One forestry helicopter was burned and another partially damaged, events which occurred near Angol a small distance from a police station.

Additionally during the event a policeman was injured after being cornered by the “assailants”, as reported by several official media channels.

We remember that the government of Chile had ordered, a few days ago and for the umpteenth time, the increase of police presence in all Mapuche territory and the use of surveillance planes, deployed with infrared cameras and heat sensors, in order to control and monitor people’s movements especially at night.

None of this worked, nor the permanent police presence, to prevent unknown individuals from entering the site where a corporation that provides services to Forestal Mininco maintained two aircrafts and proceeding to corner one of the cops and set fire to one helicopter and partially dammed another.

Second attack on helicopters in the region

This is the second act to occur in the zone of Malleco which affects aircrafts of forestry companies, in another incident a helicopter which supplied water was hit by a bullet in a rural sector of Ercilla.

Forestry, the ugliest face of Capitalism in Wallmapu

The forestry corporations represent the worst face that capitalism can display to the mapuche citizens of Wallmapu, their unrelenting extraction activity produces only disaster for neighboring communities, toxic fumes, the disappearance of rivers, streams and ground water, as well as the extinction of all the natural flora and fauna of the region which serve as food and medicinal base for mapuche life, among others are the effects of this antisocial business financed by the chilean state through law decree 701.

On the other hand the huge tracts of land that the forestry companies currently own are lands stolen from mapuche communities, forest ownership cannot be understood without its direct relationship to the territorial dispossession of the Mapuche People.

Three families against a People

But this is not a business carried out only against the Mapuche People, but is exclusionary even for thousands of chileans whose taxes have financed it for over 20 years. Forest ownership is so concentrated that only thee families almost completely dominate the sector, Angelini, Matte and Carey, owners of Bosques Arauco, CMPC and Masisa respectively.

Only Bosques Arauco certifies almost 1,200,000 hectares this year while Forestal Mininco did so for almost 700,000, without counting lots that could not be certified. According to official information, the forestry companies own almost three million hectares in the south of Chile, that is, in Wallmapu, this is almost 30% of our Mapuche country, all the mapuche citizens, meanwhile, together do not have 700,000 hectares, which is nothing more than 7% of our historical territory.

The werkén Daniel Melinao was acquitted of charges for the death of GOPE sergeant Hugo Albornoz

from paismapuche.org

The Oral Criminal Court of Angol absolved the werkén Daniel Melinao of the charges in which he was accused of being co-author of the murder of policeman Hugo Albornoz in April 2012, during a violent raid on the Wente Winkul Mapu del Lof Chekenko community. Outside the court, a group of mapuche comuneros arrived to perform a prayer.

The decision became known this morning following the audience of the reading of the verdict. In a split decision, two to one, the judges could not sustain the crude montaje brought by the prosecution along with the ministry of the interior in order to punish the struggle of Wente Winkul Mapu.

Now, it is expected, that the defeat of antimapuche prosecutor Luis Chamorro, will bring on a tantrum, insisting on his accusation, appealing to superior courts, or pushing for a mistrial.

Melinao was accused of being co-author of the death GOPE sergeant Hugo Albornoz. But the perpetrator according to the racist prosecutor Chamorro is Eric Montoya Montoya, who before he knew he would be charged in this case, he was pronounced to be in hiding after being convicted for the struggle of his community for the reclamation of mapuche territory occupied today by the latifundista businessman Juan de Dios Fuentes and due to the constant harassment from the prosecutor being suffered by him and his family.

According to the prosecutor, Eric Montoya Montoya received ammunition from Daniel Melinao, but since he could not prove the werken’s participation in the sergeant’s death, this story trips up the prosecutor’s thesis regarding the participation of the comuneros in the event. It even, to the contrary, reinforces the statement by the Wente Winkul Mapu community, that the death of the GOPE sergeant, happened by friendly fire, that is to say, he was killed by another policeman.

The prosecutor had asked for a sentence of 20 years for the aggravated homicide of a police official and also sought a penalty of ten years for Melinao for the crime of attempted murder against other policemen that same day and one year for damages.