Mapuche prisoners of Ercilla call for courage and continued reclamation of land

from paismapuche.org

PUBLIC COMMUNIQUE FROM FERNANDO MILLACHEO AND CRISTIAN LEVINAO

To the national and international public, political prisoners of Angol prison Fernando Millacheo and Cristian Levinao declare the following:

We spent over two years in preventative prison and today we are sentenced to 15 and 10 years in the montaje “the Chiguayhue case”, in which we are accused of the supposed robbery with intimidation and aggravated homicide of small landowners in the region.

We as mapuche aware of the struggle that our communities re engaged in, declare that we are against these types of accusations, since the struggle is not against the small landholders but against the latifundistas and the forestry investors who invade and exploit our land.

We believe that these types of montajes are a maneuver of the ruling government to tarnish the just struggle for land, since they seek only to divide and debilitate the movement and the just demands of the mapuche people.

An expression of the above, are the exclusive prosecutors who are set on this type of case because rather than seeking the truth, these are political judgments, since they seek to scare the youth away from struggle.

One of their hounds is the prosecutor Chamorro, who in addition to evidence tampering and undermining his own legality by using anonymous witnesses, has been charged with imprisoning and persecuting those who have the consciousness to fight. It is thus that the judicial system, together with the police, is are no more than an element of repression from the dominant class and that it overall defends forestry companies, imperialist investments and all the latifundistas.

We strongly express that prison does not intimidate us, nor persecution, nor bullets, we are aware of the process that we are undertaking, we are prisoners for the land, it is for this that we call on our communities and especially the youth not to be intimidated by these enemies of the people who have mired our people in exploitation and oppression, their hands are stained with mapuche blood!!

We call on the conscientious people and especially on our communities to carry on with the just land reclamations of our people.

AMULEPE TAIN WEICHAN!!
MARRICHIWEW!!

March, 2014.

Machi Celestino Córdova sentenced to 18 years in prison

from paismapuche.org

This Friday the Oral Criminal Court of Temuco handed down a sentence of 18 years in prison to the machi Celestino Córdova, who was found guilty of the fire in which the latifundista couple Luchsinger-Mackay died, in Vilcún, mapuche territory.

“By a majority of votes, a Celestino Cerafín Córdova Tránsito -ya antes individualizado- is sentenced to a penalty of 18 years imprisonment, and perpetual disqualification from holding public political office, for being deemed the author of a fire resulting in death”, said the 120-page ruling.

The conviction, which was conducted under strict police presence, both inside and outside the courtroom, ended with the rejection of the request of the prosecutors, who had asked for qualified life imprisonment (40 years) and without the right to benefits.

Previously defense attorney Karina Riquelme announced that they will appeal for a mistrial, since the macho Córdova was convicted as a “collaborator”, and not actually the “author”.

While the reading was given in court, hundreds of people demonstrated outside in support of the mapuche authority, which ended in clashes with police.

Last february 20th, the chilean courts believed the prosecutor’s version of the supposed participation of the machi Córdova in the attack that happened the morning of january 4th, 2013 at the Granja Lumahue estate, where Werner Luchsinger and his wife Vivianne Mackay lost their lives.

After the reading, regional prosecutor of the Public Ministry and in this case, Cristian Paredes, commented that the ruling would be reviewed in full for future action, however he felt that at least, the years given to Córdova “are consistent with the gravity of the crime”.

“The penalty imposed is 18 years; 18 without the possibility of alternative benefits, therefore we think it is a sentence that at least partially fits the severity of the harm caused to the victims. We need to review the wording of the judgment. Today only a brief section was read concerning the most aggravated conditions (…) we must review the entire contents to ultimately decide whether we will ask for a mistrial”, said the prosecutor.

Meanwhile, the lawyer Carlos Tenorio, who represented the Luchsinger-Mackay  family at the trial, assured that the case was “very complex, in which proving a fire resulting in death is not easy. Particularly in this region.”

It should be remembered that the judges rejected the government’s classification of the events as “terrorism”.

The lawyer Pablo Ortega, who defended the ancestral mapuche authority of Lof Lleupeko, said that he is “calm. In fact he has told me that for his family, for his people, for his communities, he is prepared and in good spirits. Both he and his defense are hopeful about resources that will come in time, and that we can obtain the declaration of absolution that is what the defense believes in.”

If they touch one of us

*If they touch one of us*

*Solidarity with Mónica and Francisco*

It’s already been two months since Mónica and Francisco, along with three other comrades, were arrested, isolated and the former two subsequently jailed under the harsh FIES regime, and the others on conditional release (with weekly sign-in) awaiting trial for the same charges.

Many comrades from different places remarked to us of the apparent aura of <<secrecy>> perceived around everything related to the comrades’ situation with the case itself, and that following the media hype around everything about the arrests a statement should have been made. What is certain is that, as we already know, against the propaganda of the regime and its ideologues, that is, against the press, little can be done as counterweight; it can be proven, seen how they weave their webs, and how, closely with the state, they are carving a niche to fill with the next internal enemy: Islamists, Galician independistas, animalists accused of opening cages, anarchists… These –those who do not wish to go through the orthodox  ritual that  mandates representation or using the proper channels (that is, democratic, legal, etc.)– will be those who fill the vacancy created by ETA,  a vacancy that serves the purpose of not only occupyin the postion of internal enemy that feeds into the bureaucratic, repressive and judicial arsenal, the call for antiterrorism (itself an institution that refuses to go away and therefore has to prove its effectiveness and existence as necessary), a vacuum which can also be noted in the cells to be filled and in the pages of the press, that would leave room for other things in the reader’s mind; the evictions matter little,  or that millions of people have no way to make a living –not even through channels of slave labor–, that the politicians fill their treasure chests and laugh in our face. There are very dangerous phantoms, they tell us, of whom to be truly afraid: the immigrants, the terrorists, etc.

Those who have seen the news these days will remember all the charged xenophobic language used by these media props, the journalists and ideologues of the regime,  to described our comrades. The intention is clear: to generate false myths. They tell us of the “Mediterranean triangle”, that “they are outsiders”, of these “foreigners who come to do bad things”, of “bad anarchists who come from the outside” and of “Greek and Italian anarchists who come to instruct those here”, etc. What these lying “experts” fail to recognize is that in the Spanish State there is a long tradition –so to speak– that is anarchist, huge, diverse and fluctuating, but almost as old as anarchism itself: from the struggles of the Andalusian libertarians, the reverberations of propaganda by the deed, the Tragic Week of 1909, the Revolution of 1936, the anti-Franco guerillas, the millions of people in the free Barcelona of 1977, anarcho-syndicalism, all moments and events that make it clear that here, identification with anarchist practice is nothing new.

As for  the investigation against our arrested comrades, it is closed , which doesn’t mean that new evidence can’t appear overnight. What we also know is that there is another open investigation that appears to seek to create an international anarchist organization, with strong harassment of several comrades. We have no idea where they will surprise us from since we have seen in these last months that the inventive capacity of the police is rather boundless, nor do we know if these latest arrests in Galicia are part of this plot. We do not deny the existence of “international relationships”, nor that anarchists move –like everyone else– in a world which largely forces you to move even though you don’t want to; including that we travel in search of complicities, we won’t deny evidence, but we do flatly refuse to recognize the existence of this fictitious structured organization that the cops and judges love to imagine. Once again they try to seek out elements that fit their theories, although their geometric figure must warp and add more angles. What we have seen with our own eyes has been the collaboration (or simple *spectacle*)between the police and authorities of Chile, Spain and Italy, we have seen their press conferences, their handshakes and praises and it disgusted us. The only international terrorist organization that we know, that we know of the existence of is that of the States and their institutions.

From the heritage religion has left us with, from the secularization of concepts which have gone beyond religion itself, are the notion of guilt and punishment which are found deeply rooted inside of us. “If it wasn’t them, why not say so?” say a few naive voices. Others, less naive, speak of the concrete act of which they are accused in order to refuse solidarity. Both attitudes point an accusatory, policing finger –consciously or not– towards something (our mothers told us it was bad manners to point fingers at people). All action is debatable, even that with which these comrades are charged, but between us, between comrades, in a manner that is serious, conscientious and to draw conclusions favoring the continuation of the struggle. The media *assault* sought, from the outset, to undermine the possible path of solidarity, to create a wedge and a vacuum, to separate. Harsher than the concrete panels that make up the prisons is the emptiness generated by a lack of solidarity. Regrettably, they partly had their work cut for them by us: once again the *good* anarchists and the *bad* anarchists, the *insurrectionary* and the *social*, the *cultural* and the *active*, and many more, leaning on a false separation, a nonexistent false dichotomy and coming from a simplistic and superficial analysis in our opinion, which only serves to face the different fronts of anarchist struggle against each other.

The press and the police send clear messages on the matter: “If you try to subvert the established order we will lock you up, we will publicize your faces and names, and we will treat you like what you are, like terrorists”, “if you stand in solidarity with those who do these things or are accused of doing them, you too will be treated like terrorists”, etc.And similar to a harsh critical parent, ultimately the threatening hand is more effective than the blow. But, what if we learn to face that blow so that it causes us the least harm possible?

If we refuse to stand in solidarity with people because we are not in agreement with what they are *accused* of, that is, because we do not agree with

the actions of which they are accused, we are legitimizing the voice of the state and affirming the accusations, we are entering terrain that is not ours but that of our executioners. Beyond what we think of the acts, we are convinced that solidarity should never be seen from a moral point of view, a point of view much influenced by the media and also, from the complete opposite perspective we don’t believe that the validity of any action has to do with a criminal code, throughout the duration of a trial. Laws and morality (which also implicitly generates laws) we will leave to the judges, to the priests, to the *out cry of the* journalists, to those who are afraid of themselves. And of the rage of the oppressed.

Direct communication with our jailed comrades has been difficult since the beginning. We know that they are in good moods and staying strong.

They are receiving letters (some of them arrive very late) and can only send two letters a week, one of which is to communicate with each other. Francisco is getting visits, but has gone weeks without seeing other prisoners because he has been alone in the module. A few days ago he was notified that they will also be applying article 10 (FIES 1) and he will be transferred to Córdoba.  Mónica, after being under observation, alone, and without vegetarian diet, is in Brieva (Ávila) under article 10, in a module together with 4 political prisoners and 8 other prisoners. She doesn’t get visits yet (since the bureaucratic procedures have to be redone every time there is a transfer) but she can make some phone calls.

These arrests and incarcerations have brought us to float some questions: how to express solidarity?, how to make it so that it is not only the people closest to the arrested/accused who have to take care of everything?, what does the FIES mean for anarchist prisoners and what can we do?, how not to give in to the blackmail of the jail and its shadow?

We’ve set up an email address to which those who wish to know more about Mónica and Francisco’s situation can write. We are also collecting money for present and future costs since surely they will have to complete preventative detention until the sentencing  and we all know the costs involved in this.

Any qualms, contributions, critiques, questions:  solidaridadylucha@riseup.net

No one will be left alone. *If they touch one of us they touch all of us* is a phrase we love to scream. Let’s see if we can put it in practice.

Freedom and Solidarity!

note: as of publishing, Francisco has been transferred to Cordoba, is with other prisoners, and is doing much better.

Letter from Mexican political prisoner Fernando Barcenas

Letter from Mexican political prisoner Fernando Barcenas

Fernando Barcenas is an 18 year old political prisoner from Mexico who has been detained since December 13, 2013 for allegedly setting the Coca Cola tree in Mexico City on fire during a protest against transportation fair hikes. Fernando economically supports his mother, so his incarceration has affected his family’s ability to  make ends meet.

To donate to Fernando, please wire donations to Banco Azteca: 78731304951452 to the name  Ana María Castillo (Fernando’s mother). Below is a translation of an open letter he wrote from prison.

December 27th, 2013

To the student community
To all freedom fighters who fight with heart
To the people of Mexico .

I am writing this communique as a cry for help,  amidst all the injustices . It’s been 14 days since my detainment and I am still cloistered between the four  walls of this cell that represents my current situation. I have been removed from the short term entry area , which bring me increasingly further away from  fighting for my freedom . Reconnecting my situation to the larger social framework is to realize that I am I am crucified by the system that is increasingly oppressive.

I call for gestures of solidarity  to emphasize my situation as a political prisoner of the state, as well as  to communicate my  full support of the struggle towards freedom that imprisoned comrades of October 2nd  are undertaking, who also find themselves  incarcerated in seclusion.

Being imprisoned is like being  living dead, as one’s life is kept underground  via  false accusations and fabricated grievances that profile us as  criminals.

That is why with this statement I pronounce that I am a free student, a  social warrior, and above all a humanitarian.

I appreciate the support of all those still in struggle against the injustices of the system and all the people who have not left my side.

 

Thank you so much

To your health and freedom,

Political Prisoners to the streets !
Down  with  the prison walls !

Fernando Luis Barcenas Castillo

Unpaid prostitutes of heterocapitalism: Whore enemies of smiles

from periodico el amancer

Is it a solution to go out and collect orgasms in order to make up for all those frustrated, self-loathing years?Sexual relations in the world today (and perhaps in all past ages) are oppressive. The fact that your lover gives you an orgasm changes only one small part of that oppressionour own enjoyment just enhances our attractiveness. We are wanton. We wear miniskirts and see-through tops. We’re sexy. We’re free. We run around and hop into bed whenever we please. This is the self-image we have built up in us by advertising and the media. It’s self-fulfilling. And very profitable. It keeps us in our place and feeling lucky about it (the freedom to consume, consume, consume, until we swallow the world). It makes us look as if we’re free and active (actively, freely, we solicit sex from men)The unarticulated assumption behind this misunderstanding is that women are purely sexual beings, bodies and sensuality, fucking machines. Therefore freedom for women could only mean sexual freedom.

Dana Densmore. Independence from the Sexual Revolution.

Emma Goldman used to say that the difference between a sex worker and a married woman was that the former sold her body by the hour, while the latter sold it once and forever and at one and the same price to just one man. Until more or less the ’50s or ’60s, things were clear with respect to the place occupied by so-called “sexual liberation”.

However, if we follow readings of Beatriz Preciado who in turn follows Monique Wittig, heterocapitalism of the third pharmaco-pornographic regimen made it so that devices of capture became less coercive, more subtle, more intricate, more sophisticatedly difficult to untangle. Now the new gimmick of late heterocapitalism is “sexual liberation”. Its agents, liberated women.

How to oppose such a commendable phrase without being on the side of opus dei? The issue requires talent and dexterity and must be faced, especially by those of us who have been biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”. Because as the old maestro Michel Foucault has already stated, to say yes to sex, is not to say no to power.

Once it was clear that the biomale who, wielding the privileges of his sexual-political category (which redounds paradoxically  at the expense of certain corporal powers which he will never explore, of course, since they reaffirm his slavery to the heterosexist regime), had to pay a price, the only value possible within the logic of capital, to enjoy -to put into action- those privileges, either by the maintenance of a girlfriend or by taking charge of a family with a wife and everything, and of course their economic welfare. Today, thanks to the apparatus of capture called “sexual emancipation” this situation has liberalized and made flexible that employment contract of three months, or the trafficking of slave labor (or is it voluntary?). But in a more effective manner, since heterocapitalism has succeeded in the construction of the desire to “be sexually free”. Exempt from the obligation to provide support, financial and social support, exempt from creating affinity, kinship ties, free of any responsibility or obligation, any subject biopolitically assigned to male gender privilege will succeed with greater or lesser skill to be with a liberated woman, that is to say, benefit from the cornerstone of the operation of heterocapitalism. This young woman often believes and asserts that she is free (and she chooses and desires it), that she chooses who she goes to bed with or who she fucks.

We may find her in orgies of every species, mostly those who reinforce the more hetero of the phallocentric social norm, she will be our best friend, always ready to suck dick in the bathroom of a show, only in exchange for more penetration, to show off in front of everyone, she will be our occasional or permanent lover in exchange for little or nothing, especially nothing like cold hard cash until the man finds a girlfriend like other people. She will not charge for her services, but freely provide (thanks to certain misinterpreted philo-libertarian approaches) all sorts of pleasure to different men with whom she will lavish with nothing more. Her so-called “friends”, with whom she will not engage as a form-of-life, will use and abuse her talents and gifts. No point of subjectivation either for herself or for them will change it: no idea of community, sustenance, emotional support, ties, safety nets and mutual aid, political camaraderie, no thoughtful use of pleasure will be built within these sexual-political practices of hegemonic and dominant desire; even if some other non-heteronormative sexual practice unfolds and is brought into play. Further, the epistemological point encourages and the motivation is no more than the liberation of a female subject, the high regulatory ideal of the Englightenment myth and of their predominant economic system of heterocapitalism, even when other sexual practices are expressed (such as anal penetration of the biomale, to cite just one case) they do not radically modify the subjectivity of the aforementioned since no sexual practice of any kind has the power in and of itself to change anything (although a condition sine qua non for the mutation of heteronormative subjectivity).

Those “whores” compete in the labor market in an unfair manner: their flesh is the dumping of the global economy of late heterocapitalism versus we who resist, putting a price on the parts of our anatomy that the pharamaco-pornographic regime has been responsible for assigning to a specific category, of territorializing and segmenting with the power of a scalpel. Also, they do not encourage through their practices the construction of new political forms-of-life among “the abnormals”; I’m referring to the construction of affectations and affinities and herds and political friendships with other bodies biopolitically assigned to the gender violence called “woman”, but also with other allied corporeal powers such as the full range of anatomical-political incorrectness to normalize lato sensu.

We, the desiring horde, although feminized, controlled, assigned, subjectivized, we, the other whores, the non-liberated have a price, that is to say, we charge, we know the value of our meat on the market, and for free we offer nothing but sexual-political affinities. Hence the urgency of rethinking the liberalism of sexual liberation again as enemy concept to sexual dissidence. To become emancipated from emancipation which will not be by way of sexual extravagance with anyone who does not bear kindred-mutant-herd wolf-body-desiring-minority. But rather to be in the world as an infinite friend to the men’s smiles always ready to give oral sex to some guy “friend”, because “I like it” so will say I / the weak soul that Nietszche spat out with the name “subject” that is our worst internalized enemy, made flesh, our personal microfascism generator.

To become the other, as has been said ad infinitum. To do it time and again. Becoming outside the categories of woman to the powers of the herd and collective enunciation that does not reterritorialize heterocapitalism nor sophisticates  -thanks to our complicity- the apparatuses of capture of our gender (and so many others), to flee, together, by the river of infinite power. How to do it? For now, withdraw, drop out, say No, Opt out, I prefer not to. And to distrust now and always in any desire expressed by an individual I in pursuit of  a supposed personal pleasure.
For now, this.

Written by Putas Enemigas de las Sonrisas (An advance text from a new book we’re preparing).
Taken from: Diario de la poeta mala II (Diary of the bad poet)

Mapuche Resistance defies siege

from metiendoruido.com

A challenge to the state of siege imposed by the chilean state in Wallmapu, is how one could describe this new sabotage against the chilean occupation and its capitalist plunder, which occurred on the morning of December 31st in Malleco.

One forestry helicopter was burned and another partially damaged, events which occurred near Angol a small distance from a police station.

Additionally during the event a policeman was injured after being cornered by the “assailants”, as reported by several official media channels.

We remember that the government of Chile had ordered, a few days ago and for the umpteenth time, the increase of police presence in all Mapuche territory and the use of surveillance planes, deployed with infrared cameras and heat sensors, in order to control and monitor people’s movements especially at night.

None of this worked, nor the permanent police presence, to prevent unknown individuals from entering the site where a corporation that provides services to Forestal Mininco maintained two aircrafts and proceeding to corner one of the cops and set fire to one helicopter and partially dammed another.

Second attack on helicopters in the region

This is the second act to occur in the zone of Malleco which affects aircrafts of forestry companies, in another incident a helicopter which supplied water was hit by a bullet in a rural sector of Ercilla.

Forestry, the ugliest face of Capitalism in Wallmapu

The forestry corporations represent the worst face that capitalism can display to the mapuche citizens of Wallmapu, their unrelenting extraction activity produces only disaster for neighboring communities, toxic fumes, the disappearance of rivers, streams and ground water, as well as the extinction of all the natural flora and fauna of the region which serve as food and medicinal base for mapuche life, among others are the effects of this antisocial business financed by the chilean state through law decree 701.

On the other hand the huge tracts of land that the forestry companies currently own are lands stolen from mapuche communities, forest ownership cannot be understood without its direct relationship to the territorial dispossession of the Mapuche People.

Three families against a People

But this is not a business carried out only against the Mapuche People, but is exclusionary even for thousands of chileans whose taxes have financed it for over 20 years. Forest ownership is so concentrated that only thee families almost completely dominate the sector, Angelini, Matte and Carey, owners of Bosques Arauco, CMPC and Masisa respectively.

Only Bosques Arauco certifies almost 1,200,000 hectares this year while Forestal Mininco did so for almost 700,000, without counting lots that could not be certified. According to official information, the forestry companies own almost three million hectares in the south of Chile, that is, in Wallmapu, this is almost 30% of our Mapuche country, all the mapuche citizens, meanwhile, together do not have 700,000 hectares, which is nothing more than 7% of our historical territory.

The werkén Daniel Melinao was acquitted of charges for the death of GOPE sergeant Hugo Albornoz

from paismapuche.org

The Oral Criminal Court of Angol absolved the werkén Daniel Melinao of the charges in which he was accused of being co-author of the murder of policeman Hugo Albornoz in April 2012, during a violent raid on the Wente Winkul Mapu del Lof Chekenko community. Outside the court, a group of mapuche comuneros arrived to perform a prayer.

The decision became known this morning following the audience of the reading of the verdict. In a split decision, two to one, the judges could not sustain the crude montaje brought by the prosecution along with the ministry of the interior in order to punish the struggle of Wente Winkul Mapu.

Now, it is expected, that the defeat of antimapuche prosecutor Luis Chamorro, will bring on a tantrum, insisting on his accusation, appealing to superior courts, or pushing for a mistrial.

Melinao was accused of being co-author of the death GOPE sergeant Hugo Albornoz. But the perpetrator according to the racist prosecutor Chamorro is Eric Montoya Montoya, who before he knew he would be charged in this case, he was pronounced to be in hiding after being convicted for the struggle of his community for the reclamation of mapuche territory occupied today by the latifundista businessman Juan de Dios Fuentes and due to the constant harassment from the prosecutor being suffered by him and his family.

According to the prosecutor, Eric Montoya Montoya received ammunition from Daniel Melinao, but since he could not prove the werken’s participation in the sergeant’s death, this story trips up the prosecutor’s thesis regarding the participation of the comuneros in the event. It even, to the contrary, reinforces the statement by the Wente Winkul Mapu community, that the death of the GOPE sergeant, happened by friendly fire, that is to say, he was killed by another policeman.

The prosecutor had asked for a sentence of 20 years for the aggravated homicide of a police official and also sought a penalty of ten years for Melinao for the crime of attempted murder against other policemen that same day and one year for damages.